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Crime prevention series

Conclusion

Published in:
Preventing crime on transport
Patricia Weiser Easteal and Paul R Wilson
Canberra : Australian Institute of Criminology, 1991
ISBN 0 642 16609 9 ; ISSN 1031-5330
(Crime prevention series) ; pp. 65-67

There are always difficulties in implementing new crime prevention measures, not the least of which are those relating to cost. For example, on certain train systems, the loss from vandalism may be so small as to make it distinctly uneconomic for managers to develop and institute a prevention plan. Although it is always possible to minimise expenditures, for a program to maximise its efficacy it should involve research and analysis as described further below. The increase in outlay will be well recompensed through the optimal reduction in losses previously incurred from the variety of crimes discussed in this monograph.

There are also political problems in implementing new measures. For example, in some European countries it is an offence to leave parked cars unlocked. However, in Australia with seven state and territory governments, it might be difficult to introduce this type of ordinance or other legislation (as shown earlier in the difficulties encountered by taxi guilds visa-vis state governments). In addition, the lack of political power and/or an effective regulatory body on public transport may curtail the potential effectiveness of crime prevention. This was illustrated dramatically by the Lockerbie air disaster. The lack of effective governmental sanctions or a worldwide ruling authority have made both implementation and monitoring of aviation security problematic.

Most of all, though, there is the problem of displacement. One of the difficulties associated with some of the crime prevention techniques discussed is that, while they may affect criminal behaviour, they do not necessarily affect criminal motivation. In some situations an offender who sees that opportunity has been reduced below an acceptable level in a given situation will probably seek a better opportunity. Thus, teenagers determined to vandalise a railway carriage may not do so when a guard is in the carriage, but could wait until he leaves. Or, as described earlier, train vandals may seek a lower risk site and switch their activities to the exteriors of rubbish trucks as occurred in New York City.

Many opportunistic impulsive criminals-especially younger, less experienced individuals-will only displace their activities to a limited degree. If opportunity is denied they may go elsewhere and commit a crime but, then again, they might not. The exact nature of limits of displacement and the exact degree to which displacement occurs in any given situation is not known. In a variety of situations there is probably some displacement of time, place and type of crime but there is undoubtedly what has been called absolute displacement in which some proportion of the crimes that might statistically be expected do not occur at all.

Displacement in public transportation situations has to be carefully considered in planning effective crime prevention campaigns. What is important is a systematic approach to particular crime prevention campaigns. Any application of situational prevention has four stages.

  1. Analysis of the conditions that allow or facilitate the commission of a particular form of crime (for example, subway muggings, and assaults on taxi-drivers).
  2. A systematic study of the possible means of blocking opportunities for these particular crimes, including analysis of costs.
  3. The implementation of the most promising and practicable measures in a way that will permit evaluation (including the evaluation of possible displacement).
  4. Dissemination of the results of the evaluation. (Clarke 1988).

Though all stages in this process are important, it is critical that attempts are made to undertake the third stage of this process-evaluation. Before claims regarding the effectiveness of measures designed to improve the safety and security of public transportation systems are made, some evidence should be forthcoming to support the claim. Case studies have sometimes revealed substantial crime reductions that nobody was aware of and, conversely, a number of major claims of reducing crime in public transportation have evaporated on closer examination.

Consequently those concerned with improving crime prevention measures in any of the areas discussed in this monograph should plan comprehensive evaluation strategies before implementing new prevention techniques.

Finally, a situational approach to preventing crime in public transportation systems is a versatile and potentially effective approach. It can be applied not only to a wide range of crimes, but to a variety of different transportation methods and settings. Managers concerned with security on public transport should familiarise themselves with this approach. Other Australian Institute of Criminology booklets in this series (see preliminary pages for full list of Crime Prevention Series titles) will provide useful background information.