Crime prevention series

Taxis

Published in:
Preventing crime on transport
Patricia Weiser Easteal and Paul R Wilson
Canberra : Australian Institute of Criminology, 1991
ISBN 0 642 16609 9 ; ISSN 1031-5330
(Crime prevention series) ; pp. 37-45

The scope of the problem

There is a plethora of aggressive acts which passengers can perpetrate against taxi drivers and their vehicles. These fall into various types of assault ranging from verbal harassment to murder and property-type crime including theft, fare evasion and vandalism. Much of the preventive measures discussed in detail below are designed to counteract all of these criminal behaviours; some are more specific in their target.

The actual incidence of taxi crime in Australia is impossible to ascertain accurately, for a number of reasons. Police data do not differentiate the cab offences from others. Data gathered by individual taxi companies are, according to the Industry, markedly conservative since there are a number of factors that lead to under reporting of incidents by the drivers. This occurs due to: the despatchers discouraging police action; the time involved in reporting to the police; lack of knowledge concerning the whereabouts of the perpetrators; fear that (s)he will inadvertently be blamed; and general apathy (Scott & Morley 1990). The same report indicates that in Queensland there have been four murders in the past three years and at least 10 drivers who have been seriously assaulted. These crimes have generated newspaper headlines such as 'Taxi Drivers Put Their Lives on the Line Every Shift' and 'Drivers -Take No Chances'. Such publicity certainly gives the impression that taxi driving is a high-risk occupation. This is, in fact, confirmed by overseas studies such as Davis's (1987, p.1291) research. He found that men working as taxi drivers had the highest rate of workplace homicides for the years 1975-1984; 78.2 per 100,000 male workers as compared to the overall rate of 2.1 per 100,000.

Both violent taxi crimes and their consequent press in Australia have not been restricted to Queensland. Sydney's Daily Telegraph (15 November 1990) led an article with 'Four Taxis Attacked in One Hour'. The incidents included attempted theft, assault on two taxis with rocks, and assault. '... attacks in the area were increasing. Every week we have some kind of problem...', a taxi company manager is quoted as saying.

In an interview, an Australian Capital Territory taxi driver expressed his belief that drivers in Australia's capital are under great threat. A taxi manager in the ACT confirmed that very few offences are reported in Canberra since most drivers feel that there is no need to do so.

A study of Newcastle taxi drivers reveals that the occupation experienced 28 times the risk of non-sexual assault and 66.7 times the rate of robbery as compared to the community at large. These numbers are undoubtedly higher but drivers often express the view that police would not act on complaints if made and/or potential earnings would be reduced by lost time. The Newcastle research also showed that the majority of drivers believe that passenger aggression is on the increase. Crime against the person is perceived as the most common (verbal), with vandalism, fare evasion and robbery seen as much less frequent (Swanton & Scandia 1990, p. 13).

A number of articles/studies concur that night is the highest risk driving period for cabbies, particularly Fridays and Saturdays. Not unexpectedly, as in other types of violence, intoxication appears to play a role in inciting violence. The President of United Cab Drivers Guild of Queensland sums up the role of alcohol, 'The worst passengers are the ones who have had three or four beers and think they can take on the whole world. They'll throw stubbies at you or kick in your door if you don't let them jump the queue' (Cruise 1988).

It has been suggested that poor communication, for example immigrant taxi drivers' inability to speak or understand English well, may generate frustration and contribute to passenger aggression. Drivers' lack of knowledge about the locality, leading to needlessly long rides, can increase the potential for friction. Long queues with subsequent lengthy times of waiting for a taxi may exacerbate tempers and lead to abuse.

Driver-initiated prevention strategies

A number of confidential sources indicate that some drivers carry clubs, knives or even guns as illegal means of crime prevention. In Brisbane, drivers began to wedge sticks and screwdrivers between seats after three of their colleagues had been killed in one year (Cruise 1988).

Another informal strategy is to refuse fares to or from certain areas and from 'suspicious' people. Many cabbies in Sydney are refusing to go to certain parts of the city such as The Rocks, Kings Cross and parts of Redfern where attacks on drivers and their cars have increased (Meade 1990). The NSW Taxi Council president states that 'Despite the hard times, no one is desperate enough to put his life on the line or his vehicle at risk by entering the no-go areas .... [Drivers can] terminate a fare if the passenger behaves in an offensive manner' (Meade 1990).

The drivers interviewed in the Newcastle study felt that an important way of minimising passengers' aggression is the attitude of the drivers: developing 'a conciliatory manner' (Swanton & Scandia 1990, p.23). An ACT driver with 12 years' experience agrees that a positive manner and discussing whatever the passenger wanted is the most essential crime prevention technique.

Prevention strategies

Technological

Two-way radio: Taxis are, of course, equipped with two-way radios which are linked to the central control which, in many cities, is staffed continuously. Alarms can be given over the radio but a quick response is not always possible since the exact location of the cab may not be known. The Queensland Taxi Guild believes that such audio coded messages are severely limited due to the ferocity of assaults today. Additionally, radio systems in converted sedans are too easily disabled. However, for less serious situations, the radio can be effective in deterrence or in getting quick assistance.

Digital alarms: Black & White Taxis digital alarms used by some taxis provide extra security. Such units are widely used throughout Europe. A hidden microphone activator sets off the alarm at the home station and subsequent movements and conversation are automatically recorded. Another advantage is that it works even if the car radio has been destroyed. Some Yellow Cabs in Queensland use a modification of this system that works on FM frequency. However, the Guild believes that the switch is poorly located since it is not activated by releasing the microphone. That Organisation strongly advocates a different system using a locater light, as outlined below.

One Queensland driver is reported to have crashed and rolled his taxi to escape attackers. He had already tried to hit the alarm button but failed to reach it. He adds 'But even if I could push the button it would only have alerted base to what was happening and help would have been a long time away' (Jenkings & Bissett 1990, p.3). A Yellow Cab driver in Brisbane was brutally assaulted and raped which the Daily Sun (19 June 1990) reported may have been preventable if an 'attack alarm' as described above had been fitted in her taxi. At that time the taxi fleet was in the process of alarm installation.

Safety screens: One type of protection is for drivers to be separated from the passengers by means of a screen device. The Courier Mail (14 November 1990) reports that two taxi operators in Brisbane have developed such a screen made of polycarbon, that scarcely showed any marks after being bashed with an axe in a test. Costing $195, several have already been fitted and have received the approval of the Queensland Taxi Council. The low cost and ability to be fitted in any type of car may counteract some of the arguments against their use discussed.later in this chapter.

Dome light alarms: Another safety device is the employment of an external dome light that activates simultaneously with a radio or digital alarm, or by depressing a switch with the foot. Queensland taxis are currently required by the Department of Transport to have such a distress light, green in colour, fitted to their roofs which costs about $100 to install. Other measures used or advocated overseas include a concealed switch which extinguishes the lights on one side of the car. This indicates to police a possible emergency without alerting the perpetrator.

Without a safety screen, the passenger in the back seat can easily assault the driver from behind.

Photo: Australian Institute of Criminology

Systems have been proposed that actually locate the vehicle since a dome light in itself is only as effective as its visibility. Some sort of radar system, either as part of the radio or separate from it, would locate all vehicles on a map at the control centre.

Electric seats and other items: In Paris, taxi drivers in six of the city's licensed cabs can push a hidden pedal and shock the passenger with a bolt of electricity for a minute (Cruise 1988). Apparently 52,000 volts can have a strong deterrent effect. Other technological devices that could potentially be valuable include miniature surveillance cameras and computerised maps (Swanton & Scandia 1990).

Locked money box: These attach to the frame of the car and the driver inserts the fares as they are earned. Keys are kept at the home base with the process well advertised within the cab. It is reported that after these were made mandatory in Los Angeles, robberies fell from an average of 15 a night to only two a week (Claxton 1982).

Drivers

Training: Since communication skills and other attitudinal factors are perceived as important in preventing crime, training that includes such skills, plus knowledge of the physical environment, could help to defuse potentially volatile situations. The Queensland Taxi Guild President believes that 50 per cent of incidents would be eliminated if training was compulsory. This would include a refresher course. Swanton and Scandia (1990) suggest that individual companies provide driver development information with videotapes, audio tapes and pamphlets.

English language requirements: In order to avoid inadequate comprehension and communication, it could be mandatory for taxi drivers to have English language skills. Inability to communicate with the passenger can lead to frustration and the potential for abuse is enhanced.

Image: Applicant drivers need to be screened closely and provisions need to be made for dismissing those already employed who fail to maintain appropriate behaviour. Drivers' hygiene (and that of their cars) must be kept at an acceptable standard. Just as graffiti breeds graffiti, an unkempt appearance is more conducive to inappropriate behaviour.

Seat belts: It has been suggested that crime prevention may supersede safety; cab drivers could be given the option of not wearing their seat belts. Such a provision would facilitate a quick exit from the taxi.

Fare prepayment: One way of minimising fare evasion is to empower drivers to require prepayment if there are any grounds to suspect that the passenger will not pay upon reaching his/her destination.

Taxi ranks

Tempers can be exacerbated by lengthy waits at a taxi rank. It has been suggested that major ranks should include seats, overhead cover, lighting and direct phone contact to the despatchers. Additionally, in areas with heavy concentration of drinking establishments, the construction of an additional rank in the near vicinity would reduce the numbers of intoxicated passengers at a single rank (Swanton & Scandia 1990).

Long queues may exacerbate tempers

Photo: Australian Institute of Criminology

Problems in implementation

Unlike the United States or the United Kingdom, passengers in Australia often sit in the front seat of taxis which makes any sort of screening device problematic. In fact, cultural values of mateship in this country almost dictate such a seating arrangement. An ACT driver adds that the same type of cultural norm mandates sociability by the driver. A screen mitigates against the socially required friendly banter. This situation occurs less frequently in other Western countries where sitting in the front of a taxi is not the norm.

In addition, due to import difficulties, custom-made taxi vehicles are not widely used. Drivers convert normal cars which are not constructed to hold a screen securely. Only half screens can be used since many of the renovated sedans lack air conditioning and, without it, full width screens create heat which is uncomfortable for both drivers and passengers. States which depend upon the tourist industry would be particularly concerned about this latter point. Since a taxi is often the first point of contact in Australia, comfort is an issue. Furthermore, a screen is a symbol of crime (prevention) which gives an image that the tourism and associated industries would prefer not to promote.

The implementation of many of the strategies described above requires both financial resources and the working together of taxi companies and the taxi industry with state governments to promulgate the requisite legislation mandating preventative equipment. In reference to the financial expenditure required, many taxi owners are small-scale business people and would find additional outlay above licensing cost problematic.

Need for governmental intervention is necessary since, due to costs involved, most cabbies will not incur the costs unless it is mandatory. Thus, some Sydney drivers tried to have the government make locked money boxes compulsory (Claxton 1982). The New South Wales Transport Minister declined stating that the boxes are inappropriate since they can be removed and their presence could lead would-be robbers to hijack the taxi to a remote area to dislodge the device. Also, since a state regulation states the drivers must be able to provide change, the box concept could only be implemented if such a regulation were dropped.

One means of at least ameliorating some of these difficulties is the formation of taxi guilds or associations to act as lobbying forces for legislation and/or governmental financial assistance. Thus, in 1982, the Sydney Taxi Drivers' Association was formed as a result of two murders in the previous year and estimates that upwards of 10 assaults or robberies were taking place each night (Claxton 1982). It was effective in pushing through a mandatory alarm system. The United Cab Drivers' Guild of Queensland, created in 1983, has also been influential in lobbying for various state-wide prevention plans.

Summary

Unlike buses and trains, taxis are not a type of public transport. Since crime prevention costs must be incurred by the individual or private business, implementation across the board is more difficult. Further, the problem is exacerbated by cultural factors; what works in one country (for example screens), may not be acceptable in another cultural setting. This exemplifies the need for in-depth background research and analysis prior to planning any prevention program. Reports from both the media and taxi guilds in Australia indicate that taxi driving can be a high risk occupation which would be greatly improved with specific situational crime prevention measures.