Drugs and crime : a study of incarcerated female offenders

Holly Johnson
ISBN 0 642 53861 1 ; ISSN 1326-6004
Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology: 2004
(Research and public policy series, no. 63)

Chapter 2 : Women, drugs and crime

Investigations into women's drug use problems, and women's offending patterns, are relatively new. Until the last few decades, studies of drug users and studies of criminal offenders focused on males or simply included women in the sample but did not examine their experiences separately from men's experiences (Willis & Rushforth 2003). In some cases, sex differences were noted but not explained. Women who had drug or alcohol abuse problems or who broke the law were considered somehow worse than men with the same problem. These women were seen as 'doubly deviant,' as women who have not only violated legal conventions but who have also violated social norms about appropriate feminine behaviour (Broom & Stevens 1991; Lloyd 1995).

A growing body of research has examined female offenders and female drug users separately, in comparison to males, and in relation to their gendered social roles. A number of gender differences have been found that highlight the importance of examining women's drug use separately from men's. For example, addicted women are more likely to suffer from depression and low self-esteem, more likely to combine drugs and alcohol, and to begin and sustain an addiction through association with an addicted male associate (Pohl & Boyd 1992; Donath 2004). Women also face distinct issues related to their social roles as women, mothers and carers that affect their drug abuse, offending and treatment options. These include:

• early experiences of sexual and physical abuse;
• mental health issues;
• social stigma related to drug abuse and offending;
• caring for children and other relatives;
• poverty associated with being single parents; and
• disease and abuse associated with sex work.

The stigma for drug-abusing mothers, the effects of drug use on their children, and fears about losing their children if the drug abuse becomes widely known, can have the positive effect of helping women turn away from drug abuse, but it can also deter women from seeking treatment (Bean 2002). Some argue for research that considers the way in which women's social lives shape and inform their drug use, for example, the way depression that results from women's dependency and oppression in society can contribute to drug and alcohol abuse as a coping mechanism (Broom & Stevens 1991). Women's drug use is seen by some as a reaction to pressures to conform to social norms around femininity (Broom & Stevens 1991: 27; Sargent 1992: 82). Drug abuse is viewed as 'a reaction to the isolation of confining domesticity' that defines the female role (Sargent 1992: 105).

Researchers and prison administrators within Australia and overseas find that sexual and physical abuse figures prominently in the lives of women offenders. For example:

• 64 per cent of women in a Victorian prison had a history of physical or sexual abuse, and the prevalence of physical abuse was twice as high for women with drug or alcohol abuse problems (74% compared to 36% of others) (Denton 1994);
• 42 per cent of women in Queensland prisons in 2002 were victims of sexual abuse before the age of 16 (Hockings et al. 2002); in 2001, 77 per cent of women in West Australian prisons had a history of abuse, 74 per cent as an adult and 57 per cent in childhood (WA Department of Justice 2002);
• in 1997, over half of women in prison in the United States reported a prior history of physical or sexual abuse (Ekstrand 1999);
• 57 per cent of women in a prison study in Texas experienced abuse in childhood and 75 per cent were victimised as adults, the majority by male partners (McClellan, Farabee & Crouch 1997); and
• 68 per cent of women in Canadian prisons reported a history of physical abuse and 53 per cent reported sexual abuse (Shaw et al. 1991).

Random population surveys provide comparative data for women in the general population. The Australian component of the International Violence Against Women Survey, in which a sample of 6,677 women were interviewed about their experiences of violence, estimates that 57 per cent of women between 18 and 69 years of age have had at least one incident of physical or sexual violence in adulthood, and 29 per cent had a childhood experience of abuse (Mouzos & Makkai 2004). This study found childhood abuse to be a risk factor for violent victimisation later in life: women with childhood experiences of abuse had rates of adult victimisation that were about 50 per cent higher than for other women.

Physical and sexual abuse can have a range of negative short- and long-term consequences, including running away, poor school success, low self-esteem and prostitution. Many researchers provide strong evidence of a link between drug or alcohol abuse and physical and sexual abuse among incarcerated women in Australia and overseas (WA Department of Justice 2002; Jarvis, Copeland & Walton 1995; Browne, Miller & Manguin 1999; Shaw et al. 1991; Comack 1996; Marcus-Mendoza, Sargent & Chong Ho 1994; Fletcher, Rolison & Moon 1994; Harlow 1999). These studies suggest that the connection between drug or alcohol abuse and criminal offending may be mediated by factors associated with early experiences of abuse, such as psychological distress, trauma, other negative family experiences, and street life. Substances may be used to cope with negative emotions resulting from abuse (for example, grief, anxiety, sadness and anger) and to build social confidence, or to adapt to ongoing abuse (Jarvis, Copeland & Walton 1995; Widom 2000; Marcus-Mendoza, Sargent & Chong Ho 1994). A growing drug dependency then leads to property crime, drug selling or prostitution to cover the cost of the drug habit and often to support drug-addicted partners. Table 1 summarises factors identified in the research literature as influencing women's drug use and criminal offending, and shows how drug use, physical and sexual abuse, crime and many other factors are inter-related.

Table 1 : Factors influencing drug use and criminal offending among women

Factor	Reference	Nature of relationship
Family problems	Denton 2001; Dowden & Blanchette 1999; McClellan et al. 1997	Drug abuse, alcohol abuse and crime are more prominent in the families of drug-addicted and criminal women.
Sexual and physical abuse	Comack 1996; Hockings et al. 2002; Browne et al. 1999; Shaw et al. 1991; Marcus-Mendoza et al. 1994; Fletcher et al. 1994; Harlow 1999; McClellan et al. 1997	Physical and sexual abuse are linked to mental health issues, drug and alcohol abuse and criminal behaviour among
Disadvantage	Luck et al. 2004; Maher et al. 2002	Minority women and those from low-income communities are vulnerable to abuse, drug abuse and criminal offending. Drug addiction can also lead to welfare dependency.
Drug and alcohol abuse	Browne et al. 1999; Shaw et al. 1991; Marcus-Mendoza et al. 1994; Fletcher et al. 1994; Harlow 1999; Anglin & Hser 1987	The majority of women offenders have a history of drug and/or alcohol abuse. Higher frequency users are likely to commit more crimes. Prostitution and property crimes are common sources of income to pay for drugs.
Mental illness	Hockings et al. 2002; McClellan et al. 1997; Denton 1995	Women prisoners are more likely than men to report psychiatric disorders and depression, and this is linked to early experiences of abuse, and to drug and alcohol abuse.
Unemployment	Maher et al. 2002; Luck et al. 2004	Unemployed or underemployed women are more likely to be involved in crime and drug abuse. Drug abuse limits the ability of women to retain legitimate employment.
Association with other drugs users and offenders	Sargent 1992; Denton 2001; Pollock 1999	Women tend to be initiated into illegal drug use through family members or intimate partners and often become involved in crime to support drug addicted partners.

Case studies of women drug users

Two contrasting views of women drug users have emerged in case studies: one of women as passive victims 'turned on' to drugs by intimate partners or family members, and the other more recent view of women as active participants in the drug trade. Sargent's (1992) interviews with women drug users in Sydney, London and Amsterdam describe women leading a secondary or passive role as drug users, and a sexual division of labour in the drug scene that parallels the divisions in straight society. The types of work viewed as women's work included courier jobs and prostitution, while men occupied positions of power. A few women occupied roles within the purview of men, such as dealing, receiving stolen goods and robbery, which carry greater status and rewards. Nearly all the women reported being raped at least once, some in childhood. Some described their drug-taking as self-destructive and connected to feelings of self-hatred resulting from past abuse.

In one of the few in-depth case studies of women drug dealers in Australia, Denton (2001) conducted formal and informal interviews with over 60 women in Fairlea Prison, Victoria. She found that most women drug users were introduced to drugs through partners or other social relationships but that family and social networks were then used as an important milieu for acquiring skills, accomplices and back-up needed to be a successful dealer. She found no single model of how women get involved in drug-taking and dealing, but all tended to mix in an environment and in family and social networks where drugs were readily available. As a result, there was a high rate of polydrug use.

These women moved easily from licit to illicit activities and were lured by the size of the profits from drug dealing compared to legitimate work or welfare. As they became dependent on drugs, they often became increasingly dependent on the income from selling drugs. Other crimes, such as trading in stolen goods, fraud, theft, selling stolen goods, burglary, robbery and car theft supplemented the drug trade. Few relied mainly on sex work. Violence occurred in women's drug dealing, but most used their criminal family's reputation to threaten violence, or contracted the services of men. The majority were involved in the drug scene prior to becoming involved in crime, and criminal activity increased as drug using increased.

Maher and her colleagues (2002) studied African-American women involved in selling crack cocaine and other drugs in a low-income community in New York City. They found that most cocaine sellers were drawn from the unemployed, low wage earners, or women with histories of drug abuse. The lack of viable economic alternatives in the paid labour market (due to racism, sexism, low education, job restructuring) led these women to see drug dealing in the informal economy as more lucrative. The choices were often between drug dealing and menial labour.

Motivations for drug dealing extended beyond paying for drugs consumed; many saw it as a profession that provided them with a sense of security and self-esteem. Similar to Denton's study, women's participation in the informal economy and drug market was influenced by family and community networks and opportunity structures. All grew up in an environment where participation in the informal economy was seen as crucial for survival, and participation in the formal labour market was limited. Contrary to the women in Denton's study, strong connections to the informal economy preceded drug use or drug selling, and drug use and criminal careers occurred simultaneously during adolescence. But drug use contributed to crime through drug selling, prostitution and violence. Immersion in street life and the informal economy eventually led to the erosion of social and labour force skills required to function in the legitimate economy, further reducing their chances for legitimate work.

The drugs-crime link

Drugs are linked to crime in a variety of ways. The use, selling and production of illegal drugs is in itself a crime. Some drug users, as their dependence grows, are increasingly incapable of holding a legitimate job and find the need to commit income-generating property crimes in order to support their drug habit. Violence and threats may be a by-product of drug distribution systems and are often used by drug dealers to enforce payment of debts or to assert control over drug markets. Some crimes are committed while under the influence of alcohol or drugs (White & Gorman 2000). There are three main explanatory models for the relationship between drugs and crime (White & Gorman 2000: 170):

1. drug use leads to crime;
2. crime leads to drug use; and
3. drug use and crime are not causally related but are the result of a third factor.

Under the first scenario, drug use leads to crime due to the pharmacological properties of drugs, the need to acquire money to pay for drugs, or due to the violence associated with the drug trade (Goldstein 1985). According to the second explanation, those who engage in crime are exposed to social situations in which alcohol and drugs are readily available and use is reinforced. Involvement in crime weakens ties to conventional society and drugs and crime become part of a lifestyle. According to the third model, drug or alcohol use and crime occur simultaneously due to a third common cause, such as childhood abuse, early school failure, family problems or neighbourhood disorganisation (White & Gorman 2000). In certain subcultures, drug use and crime can help achieve membership and status. Rather than being two disparate populations, drug users and offenders coexist in some social groups and the motivating factors for drug use and crime are the same - excitement or risk-taking (Chaiken & Chaiken 1990; Simpson 2003; Denton 2001).

Research has also found that crime committed for material gain more commonly precedes drug use and offending escalates with levels of drug use (Makkai & Payne 2003a; Chaiken & Chaiken 1990; Blumstein et al. 1986; Wish & Johnson 1986; Dobinson & Ward 1985, 1987; Simpson 2003; Johnson D 2001). In the DUCO male study, 17 per cent of drug users began using drugs prior to committing any crime, 29 per cent began drugs and crime in the same year, and 54 per cent began offending prior to drug use. However, there is conflicting evidence about the sequencing of crime and drug use where women are concerned (Cusick, Martin & May 2003; Anglin & Hser 1987; Denton 2001; Baskin & Sommers 1993). The temporal ordering of crime and drug use for incarcerated women is examined in Chapter 5.

Crime attributed to drugs

Many offenders attribute their own offending to drug and alcohol abuse (Indermaur 1995). In the DUCO study of male prisoners, 30 per cent attributed their criminal offending to illegal drug use, combining both intoxication and addiction (Makkai & Payne 2003b). Offenders with a chronic history of offending reported higher levels of illegal drug use. In a macro-level analysis, a statistically significant relationship has been established between heroin use and robbery rates in NSW, estimating that each 10 per cent increase in the annual number of dependent heroin users has led to a six per cent increase in the robbery rate (Chilvers & Weatherburn 2003). In addition:

• 61 per cent of males in NSW prisons attributed their offences to illegal drugs, either through intoxication, to get money to buy drugs, or withdrawal from drugs (Kevin 2003);
• 80 per cent of arrestees in a Brisbane study were dependent on drugs (Heffernan et al. 2003);
• 80 per cent of women and 72 per cent of men arrested by police in the DUMA sample in 2003 tested positive for at least one drug (Milner, Mouzos & Makkai 2004);
• 26 per cent of those who had committed violent offences in the Amphetamines in Queensland Research Project (street interviews) were using amphetamines at the time of the offence (Lynch et al. 2003);
• in a Canadian study, between 40 per cent and 50 per cent of crimes were related to alcohol or drugs, because of intoxication at the time, alcohol/drug dependency, or having committed the crime to obtain drugs or alcohol (Pernanen et al. 2002); and
• 65 per cent of inmates in local jails in the US were actively drug-involved at the time of the offence (Wilson 2000).

Although crime rates are much lower for women than for men, women's criminality is believed to be more closely related to their drug use than it is for men (Pollock 1999). Studies of women in prison show that:

• over half of women in Queensland prisons had a history of injecting drug use and two-thirds had used illegal drugs regularly in the preceding 12 months (Hockings et al. 2002);
• 61 per cent of female prisoners in Victoria were diagnosed with a drug or alcohol dependence disorder at the time of arrest, predominantly opiate and benzodiazepine dependence (Denton 1994);
• a survey in NSW prisons found that 73 per cent of females and 64 per cent of males had used an illegal drug at some time in the past; female drug users were more likely than males to use drugs on a daily basis, to be using drugs at the time of their arrest, and to be injecting drugs while in prison (Butler 1997);
• 57 per cent of women in NSW prisons were under the influence of drugs at the time of the offence; two-thirds of these were under the influence of heroin (Kevin 1994);
• about 60 per cent of women in US prisons had used drugs in the month prior to their current offence; one in four were under the influence of drugs at the time of the offence (Ekstrand 1999);
• drugs or alcohol played a role in their involvement in crime for 70 per cent of women in Canadian prisons, while half were under the influence of drugs or alcohol when they committed their current offence (Shaw et al. 1991); and
• 40 per cent of sentenced women and 50 per cent of women on remand were dependent on drugs in the year before entering British prisons; female arrestees had higher rates of opiate, amphetamine and benzodiazepine use than did men and spent more money on drugs (Home Office 2002).

Summary

Research consistently finds high rates of problem drug use among women offenders. Drug dependencies, injecting and regular use of illicit drugs were common among incarcerated women in jurisdictions in Australia and overseas. The remainder of this report will provide an in-depth examination of the 470 women interviewed for this study, their histories of drug-taking and criminal offending, as well as interconnections between early life experiences, drug use and crime.