Home → Publications → Reports → Research and public policy series → 67 → Chapter 3: Characteristics of the juveniles interviewed (in: Alcohol, drugs and crime : a study of juveniles in detention)
Alcohol, drugs and crime : a study of juveniles in detention
Jeremy Prichard and Jason Payne
ISBN 0 642 53891 3 ; ISSN 1326-6004
Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology: 2005
(Research and public policy series, no. 67)
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Chapter 3: Characteristics of the juveniles interviewed
- Demographic characteristics
- History of offending
- Offence specialisation
- Prevalence of illegal drug use
- Treatment for drug problems
- Summary
The DUCO juvenile study involved the participation of 467 young people in juvenile detention centres in every state and territory. Face-to-face interviews were conducted between December 2003 and December 2004. There were 95 participants excluded from the present report because they were aged 18 or over. One participant, aged nine, was also excluded. This ensured that the report focuses on the 371 juveniles in a nationally-accepted meaning of the term, that is, aged 10 to 17 (details on the methodology and limitations of the study are provided in the Technical Appendix). This chapter provides descriptive data on the socio-demographic characteristics of the youths, their criminal histories and drug use.
Demographic characteristics
Fifty-nine per cent of the youths identified themselves as being of Indigenous descent. This is noticeably higher than the 2003 national estimate of 47 per cent (Charlton & McCall 2004). However, the age and sex of the participants were comparable to national trends on juvenile detainees; about 14 per cent of youths were aged 14 years or less and the vast majority of the participants were males (93%). Table 3.1 indicates that three females and 31 males were parents, representing nine per cent of the entire cohort. The average age of young parents was 16.
Table 3.1 also indicates that:
- most juveniles (76%) had stopped attending school before they entered detention;
- the mean age of leaving school was 14, which is lower than the minimum leaving age for most jurisdictions (generally 15 years, MCEETYA 2002); and
- on average, the detainees left school after completing grade eight, whereas the majority of the Australian youth population complete grade 12 (SCRGSP 2005).
With regard to housing prior to detention:
- 53 per cent of youths lived in their parents' home;
- 33 per cent lived in a home with someone other than their parents; and
- five per cent lived alone.
Of those juveniles who lived in private homes, 50 per cent stated that the home was public housing, which is one indicator of economic hardship. This rate is noticeably higher than for the DUCO adult females, of whom 30 per cent lived in public housing (comparable figures were not reported in the DUCO adult male report). A small number of youths (6%) were facing severe hardship, in that they were living on the street or in emergency housing before they entered the detention centre.
History of offending
Australian juvenile justice systems employ different types of diversionary procedures for young people, such as formal and informal police cautions and community conferences (Daly & Hennessey 2001). Two primary objectives of these diversionary procedures are to minimise the numbers of youths appearing in court and, ultimately, being sent to detention centres. Young people can find themselves in detention because of involvement in one very serious criminal act, such as murder or rape. For most youths, however, detention is the result of a long criminal history of less serious offences.
Detention was not a new experience for half of the DUCO juvenile sample:
- almost one third of youths had been sentenced to detention once or twice before;
- 17 per cent had previously served three to six detention sentences; and
- a small group (4%) had been sentenced to detention seven or more times prior to their current incarceration.
The youths were asked about the main charge or charges for which they had been placed into detention (either by sentence or remand). These charges were categorised according to the Australian Standard Offence Classification (ASOC) scoring rules (Australian Bureau of Statistics 1997). A maximum of four responses were recorded. Figure 3.1 provides a general overview of the types of charges for which the juveniles were detained.
Figure 3.1: Main charges for current detention (per cent)

Because the youths could report more than one charge the figures do not sum to 100 per cent.
Source: Australian Institute of Criminology, DUCO Juvenile Survey, 2005 [computer file], n=371.
Property charges featured prominently. The most commonly reported charges were break and enter (42%) and motor vehicle theft (30%). A range of other property charges, such as vandalism, petty theft and receiving stolen goods, were recorded in 24 per cent of cases. Drug charges were relatively uncommon. Twenty-one per cent of youths reported that one or more of the charges that led to their detention was a breach of a court order. Traffic violations, such as speeding or driving without a licence, were reported by 11 per cent of juveniles.
Notably, robbery and assault were reported as main offences for which the youths were detained in about one third of cases. More serious violent charges appeared in 13 per cent of all reported charges. This category included crimes such as grievous bodily harm, wounding, manslaughter and murder. Eight youths (2%) reported themselves as murderers.
When these charges are sorted by the single most serious offence recorded for each juvenile, violence features more prominently (Figure 3.2). The method for categorising the charges into a hierarchy of seriousness is similar to that used in the DUCO adult male report (Makkai & Payne 2003; see further, Technical Appendix). The eight categories include violent charges, property charges, drug charges, drink driving, breaches of court orders, public disorder charges and other charges. For example, a young person who had been detained for a breach of a court order, two counts of burglary and assault would be counted in the violent charge category as assault is the most serious charge.
Figure 3.2: Most serious charge for current detention (per cent)

Source: Australian Institute of Criminology, DUCO Juvenile Survey, 2005 [computer file].
The first and second categories of seriousness, violent charges and property charges, accounted for the bulk of juveniles. More than half of the youths (58%) reported that they had been detained for one or more violent charges. The most serious charge for a further 37 per cent of juveniles related to property. Fourteen youths (4%) had been detained for breaches of court orders, and five (1%) for traffic violations alone. One youth reported a drug offence as his most serious offence, but this statistic was too small to appear on the pie chart in a meaningful way.
A great deal of information was obtained by asking the youths to report:
- whether they had ever committed crimes (regardless of whether the acts had been detected by the police); and
- the frequency with which they committed the crimes.
Juveniles were asked about 10 offence categories. Table 3.2 provides a breakdown of their responses. Similar to the DUCO adult male and female studies, participants were asked whether they had ever committed these offences. They were also asked whether they had committed the offences 'often' at some stage during their life (see further, Technical Appendix). For the purposes of this report, those youths who reported committing offences often are referred to as regular offenders. Table 3.2 displays the proportion of youths who reported ever committing offences, as well as the regular offenders. It also provides the rates of escalation, that is, the percentage of those who ever committed a crime and later became regular offenders.
The most striking feature of Table 3.2 is that the juveniles self-reported perpetrating all crimes at very high rates. In fact, fraud stands out precisely because of its comparatively low figures; 26 per cent of youths (n=98) admitted ever committing fraud and seven per cent had done so regularly. Fraud also has the lowest rate of escalation. In contrast, the rates for 'ever committing' of all other crimes range from 55 per cent to 86 per cent.
Overall, according to their self reporting, the juveniles appear to be very serious property offenders:
- fraud aside, four out of five youths had perpetrated most forms of property crime at least once;
- at least one third of all youths became regular property offenders. In the case of burglary, 65 per cent of all youths reported regular activity. This indicates that, of the youths who tried burglary, 76 per cent escalated to regular offending; and
- very high rates of escalation were also recorded for trading stolen goods (72%), stealing (69%) and motor vehicle theft (53%).
Fewer juveniles were regular violent offenders, although the majority had perpetrated violence at least once in their lives. The youths were asked whether they had ever hit, beaten, stabbed or hurt someone. Their responses are contained in the physical assault category. Seventy-three per cent had 'ever' assaulted another, whilst 29 per cent had regularly done so at some stage. Escalation rates for assault were 40 per cent. More than half of the youths had committed a robbery (armed or unarmed). Compared with other crimes, few youths reported regular robbery (16%), meaning that robbery had one of the lowest rates of escalation amongst the juveniles (29%).
The majority of youths had bought drugs at least once (85%) and most had gone on to buy drugs regularly. Buying drugs has the highest escalation rate of all offence categories (89%). More than half of the adolescents had sold or swapped drugs, and 37 per cent had done so regularly.
Offence specialisation
One of the major contributions of the DUCO adult female and male reports was to identify different forms of offence specialisation among the incarcerated population. Johnson (2004) was able to distinguish between regular property offenders, regular violent offenders, regular sex workers and regular drug offenders. Makkai and Payne's (2003) analysis of the much larger cohort of adult male prisoners produced even greater detail, such as separating drug buyers from drug sellers.
However, determining offence specialisation among the juvenile detainees is difficult. This is not solely due to sample size, as the number of participants in this study is comparable to the DUCO adult female study. The juveniles have been limited in their capacity to diversify because of their age and as such have had less time to develop offence specialisations. The average age of the juveniles was 16, whereas the average age of the adult participants was over 30 years. Other limiting factors for juveniles could include their cognitive development, and lack of access to bank accounts, driving licences and the like. These factors might inhibit involvement in, for example, sophisticated crime.
Table 3.2 underscores that the detainees reported committing most types of crime at very high levels. Consistent with this, different categories of regular offenders also reported regularly committing most types of other crime. This is illustrated in Table 3.3.
Table 3.3 indicates that the categories of regular offenders, from regular vandals to those who sold drugs regularly, differed little:
- 47-60 per cent of all categories reported regularly stealing motor vehicles;
- regular vandalism varied only from 36 per cent to 47 per cent across the regular offender types;
- 61-72 per cent of all categories reported regularly stealing without break-in;
- one third to half of all regular offender types reported regularly perpetrating violent acts;
- 82-95 per cent of all groups reported regularly buying drugs; and
- about half of all groups regularly swapped or sold drugs.
The regular fraud offenders differ to some degree. They have the highest rates of regular burglary (92%) and violence (60%). However, this is also the smallest group, representing only seven per cent of the entire sample (n=25).
Exemplifying the homogeneity of the offenders is their mean number of offence types. These figures indicate the average number of offences each group regularly committed. All groups were, on average, regularly committing five to seven other types of crime. Additionally, very few youths reported regularly committing only one type of crime. Drug buying was the only crime five per cent of regular drug buyers committed on a regular basis. The figures were lower for all other groups. In fact, no youths regularly traded stolen goods or committed fraud only.
Box 1: Differentiating the regular offenders
Two steps were taken to differentiate regular offenders. First, drug offences, namely drug buying and selling, were excluded. This was done on the basis that there was a very high prevalence of drug offending across all other categories of regular offending. More importantly, it has been argued that drug offending is a proxy measure of drug use (Makkai & Payne 2003). Since this report examines interrelations between drug use and crime, separating drug using behaviours from regular offending allows for a clearer analysis of criminal behaviours.
The second step was to rank the regular offences according to a basic most serious offence classification. Youths reported on regular violent, property and drug offending. Once regular drug offences were removed, the classification simply ranked regular violent offending as being more serious than regular property offending. All remaining youths were classified as non-regular offenders.
Hypothetical examples of the categorisation process are useful.
- Young person A reported regularly assaulting others and regularly buying drugs. He is classified as a regular violent offender.
- Young person B reported regularly committing motor vehicle theft, burglary and robbery. She also bought drugs regularly. Because robbery is classified as a form of violence, she also would be categorised as a regular violent offender.
- Young person C sold drugs and traded stolen goods on a regular basis. He falls into the regular property offender category.
- Young person D bought and sold drugs regularly. He is classified as a non-regular offender.
Conceptually, it was possible to categorise the juvenile offenders in this sample into three different offender typologies - regular violent offenders, regular property offenders and non-regular offenders. Box 1 describes the hierarchical classification process undertaken and Table 3.4 displays the distribution of youths between the three categories. Thirty-five per cent of the youths reported that they had regularly committed violent offences. More than half of the youths (54%) are regular property offenders. The remaining 39 youths (11%) are non-regular offenders. This categorisation of juvenile offenders is fundamental to analyses described in the rest of the report, as explained in Box 2.
Box 2: Most serious charge and most serious regular offending
It is important to understand the two methods of categorising the detainees that have been presented in this chapter. The first categorises youths according to the most serious charge that led to their detention (Figure 3.2). This used an eight-level hierarchy of seriousness. Most youths fell into the first or second levels of violent charges or property charges. The most serious charge categorisation will be used in this report when analysing influences upon particular criminal acts, for example, whether the youths were intoxicated at the time they committed the offence leading to their detention. However, although a young person may be in detention for perpetrating a violent act, they may not be a regular violent offender. For instance, consider a hypothetical youth who committed burglary regularly but assaulted a police officer at the time of his arrest. In terms of his lifetime criminal behaviour, he is a regular property offender, even though his most serious current charge is a violent offence.
Ranking youths according to their most serious regular offending, as noted, resulted in three categories: regular violent offenders; regular property offenders; and non-regular offenders. This report uses this means of categorising the detainees when analysing long-term patterns, such as when youths first tried different drugs, or the influence of risk factors on criminal behaviour.
Prevalence of illegal drug use
Whilst national research into adolescent substance use in the general community has been conducted, this report is the first to present findings from all Australia states and territories on juvenile detainees. Figure 3.3 compares the substances youths self-reported ever using in the DUCO juvenile study (n=371) and the National Drug Strategy Household Survey (n=not released yet). Ever used is the only consistent measure between the two studies.
Figure 3.3: Substances ever used by juvenile detainees and adolescents in the general population (per cent)

Source: Adapted from Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, National Drug Strategy Household Survey, 2005; Australian Institute of Criminology, DUCO Juvenile Survey, 2005 [computer file].
The difference in the age brackets of the two samples is important. Research consistently indicates that substance use and initiation into harder drugs increases in the late teens and early twenties (see Chapter 1). Consequently, it could be expected that if the general population sample was aged 10 to 17 (rather than 12 to 19) their rates of substance use would be lower than indicated above.
The groups differ little in respect to ever drinking alcohol. For all other substances, the detainees reported markedly higher rates than youths in the general population. For example:
- detainees were five times more likely to have ever used cannabis, and ten times more likely to have used amphetamines;
- one in three detainees had tried inhalants compared with one in 50 youths in the general population;
- detainees are six to 10 times more likely to have tried ecstasy and hallucinogens; and
- two out of every 1000 youths in the general population have ever used heroin, whereas the figure is about 110 out of every 1000 detainees.
Table 3.5 provides details of the prevalence of substance use by the detainees. The youths were asked whether they had ever used substances, used in the six months before being detained, and used regularly in the six months before being detained. The participants were also asked to quantify regular use.
Of the 95 per cent of youths who had ever used any substances, 71 per cent used a substance regularly in the six months before entering detention (regular users). Sixty-seven per cent of the youths had ever used more than one drug, and almost one third (29%) were current regular poly drug users.
There were more regular cannabis users (63%) than regular alcohol users (46%). One in five youths regularly used amphetamines in the six months before being detained. Cannabis also led in terms of escalation, with two thirds of young people who tried cannabis becoming regular users. Alcohol and amphetamines were comparable in this sense, with escalation rates for these substances at 47 per cent and 40 per cent respectively.
Of the regular cannabis users, 74 per cent reported using several times a day, whereas the majority of regular alcohol users (53%) drank once to several times a week. Multiple daily use was also a prominent characteristic of regular users of amphetamines (35%) and inhalants (54%). Compared with regular users of other substances, many more of the regular ecstasy users considered monthly use to be regular.
So far, the juveniles have been discussed generally in terms of their drug use. But what are the main characteristics of the regular substance users? The five main types of regular users are compared below in terms of the other substances they used regularly (Table 3.6).
As noted in Table 3.5, youths regularly use cannabis (n=232) more than alcohol (n=170). However, the regular alcohol and regular cannabis users shared some similarities. First, alcohol was the only substance that 21 per cent of regular users of alcohol used regularly. Similarly, 28 per cent of regular cannabis users only used cannabis regularly. Secondly, the two groups were very similar in their regular use of other substances, such as amphetamines, inhalants and ecstasy. Finally, regular alcohol and cannabis users regularly used two substances, on average.
In contrast, regular users of the other substances used three or more substances regularly on average, and they rarely used only one substance on a regular basis. Across all five groups it is clear that cannabis was the most frequently reported substance used regularly, followed by alcohol. Potentially, alcohol and cannabis could be viewed as 'staple' drugs among regular users.
Regular amphetamine users reported the highest rate of regular ecstasy use (23%). Additionally, the regular users of ecstasy reported a rate of amphetamine use twice as high as any other group (57%). This may indicate some form of relationship between regular use of the two substances. However, explanations of any such relationship would be complicated by the fact that many users who think they are taking ecstasy are, in fact, taking fake ecstasy (McGregor & Makkai 2003).
In previous DUCO reports it was clear that poly drug users usually have a favourite drug. The drugs of choice for the regular juvenile substance users are outlined in Table 3.7.
Regular users of cannabis and amphetamines stated that these were their drugs of choice:
- seven out of ten regular cannabis users preferred cannabis to any other substance; and
- about three in every five regular amphetamine users viewed amphetamines as their favourite drug.
In comparison, only 26 per cent of regular alcohol users considered alcohol to be their preferred substance. In fact, almost half of the regular alcohol users (46%) listed cannabis as their substance of choice. Similarly, 54 per cent of regular users of inhalants preferred cannabis. Very few regular inhalant users (15%) considered inhalants their drug of choice. Equivalent numbers of regular ecstasy users preferred cannabis, amphetamines or ecstasy itself. Finally, cannabis was the drug of choice for 46 per cent of regular users of other drugs.
Treatment for drug problems
A total of 168 youths, or 45 per cent of all juveniles, reported receiving some form of treatment for their drug use. Of these, 70 had experienced more than one type of treatment. Figure 3.4 highlights the types of treatments accessed by the young people. Of the entire sample, one in three youths had received outpatient counselling. About 10 per cent of youths had accessed a support group, rehabilitation or detoxification. A small number had been given treatment by a general medical practitioner.
Figure 3.4: Type of treatment received (per cent)

Source: Australian Institute of Criminology, DUCO Juvenile Survey, 2005 [computer file], n=448
The juveniles who reported accessing treatment were asked why they went to those programs. The responses indicated that, for the most part, youths entered programs either because of court orders (47%) or because it was their personal choice (35%). Six per cent were encouraged to enter programs during their period of detention, and three per cent entered a treatment program as the result of police diversionary practices. The remaining eight per cent provided other reasons.
Summary
Interviews with the 10 to 17-year-old detainees indicated a serious history of offending behaviour and current involvement in crime. Uniformly high levels of violence, property offences and drug buying and selling were reported. Rates of assault, robbery, burglary and motor-vehicle theft were noticeably high.
Drug use patterns among the juvenile detainees were manifestly greater than adolescents in the general population. Even in comparison to alcohol, cannabis appeared to be the most widely and frequently used substance, as well as being the drug of choice among regular users. In terms of harder drugs, amphetamines were regularly used by one in five youths and, of these, more than half used once or several times a day. Frequency of use of heroin and cocaine were much lower than among the incarcerated adult male population, which supports previous findings on the age of initiation for those drugs.
Despite the special vulnerabilities associated with heavy drug use in the formative years of adolescence, less than half of all youths had accessed drug treatment.
- Next section: Chapter 4: Linking drugs and crime
- Previous section: Chapter 2: Juveniles, drugs and crime
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